Mozi Bei Ge (Mozi Bei Si)

Mozi, original name Mo Di, is well-known to have been a philosopher, but there are virtually no reliable biographical details about his. life. He must have lived some time after Confucius but before Mencius, but this could be either in the 5th or 4th century BCE.⁷ And although today he is commonly associated with the city of Tengzhou in what is now Shandong province near the Henan border, there are also traditional stories associating him with other places in both provinces.⁸

In spite of what is written in this melody's preface, the book of Mozi is rather unsympathetic towards music.⁹ Mozi's philosophy, called Mohism, has been summarized as "utility, uniformity and universal love",¹⁰ though the latter is arguably better translated as "impartial caring". It apparently developed as a direct reaction against the teachings of Confucius.¹¹ In the 4th century BCE, when Mencius outlined what he called the philosophy of Confucius, he suggested that Mohism was one of its most dangerous rivals.¹² Others have suggested that the two philosophies actually have much in common, as can be seen from the Han Yu essay mentioned below.

The attribution of the present melody to Mozi himself has no historical basis. There is also no information to support the possibility that this earliest known version was based on an earlier melody.¹⁴ But although Mozi Bei Ge is not one of the earliest listed or surviving qin melodies, after 1600 it did quickly became one of the most commonly published, appearing in at least 38 handbooks from 1609 to 1914.¹⁵ There is quite a bit of variety within the first several versions. There are at least three modern silk-string qin recordings;¹⁶ a comparative analysis shows some differences between these, but they all follow the version published in 1722; the 1722 tablature in turn has many differences from the 1609 version, mostly in elaboration, but it still follows general outline of 1609 most of the way through.

The story connected to this melody can be found in Chapter Three in Mozi, On Dyeing.¹⁷ The chapter begins with Mozi sighing as he observes that silk takes on the color of the dye applied to it, commenting that people similarly take on the attributes of those with whom they associate. The chapter then goes on to mention a number of famous people influenced by their associates. Many of these people lived after the dates assigned to Mozi himself.

The specific connection of this story, and hence this melody, to Mozi is thus somewhat puzzling. People who attribute this chapter to Mozi himself are perhaps referring only to the beginning of the chapter. But if the sudden popularity of this melody at the end of the Ming dynasty suggests an increased interest in Mohist philosophy, this is not one of the principles for which Mohism is most famous. On the other hand, the popularity of this story is attested by its inclusion in Liexian Quanzhuan, the expanded 17th century version of Liexian Zhuan from which the illustration above was taken.

Regarding the version from 1609, recorded here, in my dapu project my custom has always been to reconstruct the earliest version of any particular melody. Here it seems that there were two "earliest" versions, both published in 1609. However, the one I selected (from the 1609 Boya Xinfa) was from a group of handbooks also published earlier (1589), while the second one was from a group published starting only in 1609. In addition during my initial effort I found that the Boya Xinfa version seemed more logically structured.¹⁸

The fourth version of this melody, published in 1625, has 12 sections, with lyrics throughout. The text of the first chapter of Mozi provides the lyrics for the first nine sections of the song. The lyrics of the final three sections are the words of an essay by Han Yu called On Reading Mozi. The essay tries to reconcile Mohist and Confucian philosophies.¹⁹

The author of the 1625 handbook writes that he himself paired the lyrics to Mozi Bei Ge because he couldn't find any lyrics already attached to it. Because of this my current assumption is that his version of the melody was much modified to accommodate the lyrics. However, to my knowledge no one has yet studied this.²⁰

Original Preface²¹
(tentative translation)

Regarding this melody, it is by Mo Di, who lived at the time of King Hui of Liang. The sage was out traveling when he saw some plain silk. This so moved him that he said, "Ordinary people are tinged in the same way as sages (emperors?)."²² It is customs and activities that influence them, in the same way that oil affects the way noodles collect (in a bowl). For example, silk by nature is basically clear; if you dye it, then it becomes yellow or black, but it is not completely different from what it originally was. Thus Yao was "dyed" (influenced) by Xu You and became a sagely gentleman; Zhou (Xin) was influenced by Chong Hou (Marquis Hu of Chong) and became a stupid king; so with regard to influencing, one must be very cautious. By correctly distinguishing musical tones a gentleman can use music to understand his purposes;²³ and by having similar feelings in response to Mozi's lament, think about what would allow a person to become pure and unsullied. If this is not possible, would it not be better just to listen to the rhythms?
Melody (See transcription; timings follow my recording 聽錄音; compare others)
13 Sections; no subtitles or lyrics ²⁴
Below "First Section" are the words "Revised by qin friend Gao Longbo of Jianye"²⁵
This music is adapted here for the Eight Songs of Matteo Ricci)

00.00 1. (harmonics)
00.41 2.
01.41 3.
02.21 4.
03.05 5.
03.43 6.
04.17 7.
04.57 8.
05.30 9.
06.10 10.
07.11 11. (harmonics)
07.36 12.
08.25 13.
09.08 closing harmonics
09.31 melody ends

Footnotes (Shorthand references are explained on a separate page)

1. Mozi 墨子 (Wiki; China Text Project)
Most of our information about Mozi comes from his famous book, today called simply "Mozi". The complete annotated English translation by Ian Johnston, published in 2010 (details), outlines on p.xviii ff what little is known of Mozi's life. (There is some further comment below regarding speculation as to his biographical dates as well as his place of origin). It is often said that Mozi was from 魯 Lu, but there are three places that claim to be this Lu. Johnston concludes that the best evidence says Mozi was from the same state of Lu as was Confucius, around Qufu in what is today Shandong province. Johnston adds that claims from the other two places, one in 宋 Song and the other 魯陽 Luyang in 楚 Chu, are quite flimsy. (I am not quite sure how to align this with what I have written below.)

The biography of Mozi in the Shi Ji (which calls him 墨翟 Mo Di) is very brief. In Chapter 74, Mengzi (Mencius, see GSR VII/185), it says he was probably a 大夫 high official in Song, was skilled at defense and at being frugal, and lived either in the time of Confucius or somewhat later. 5615.151 墨翟 Mo Di (5615.3 墨子 Mozi mostly concerns the book), says he was a man of 魯 Lu who was born during the time of 周定王 King Ding of Zhou, dying over the age of 80 at the end of the reign of 安王 King An. He offered his services to various countries, becoming a minister in Song. He advocated "universal love" (兼愛 jian ai), meaning that people should treat everyone equally, without giving preference to rulers and relatives, as in the Confucian system. The book Mengzi (縢文公下 Teng Wen Gong, Part 2, #9) criticizes him for this. It is said that Mozi successfully defended Song from an attack by the much larger state of 楚 Chu.
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2. 墨子悲歌之「悲」 "Bei", as in Mozi Bei Ge (Mozi Sings with "Bei")
For "silk" in the title see next footnote)
Ronald Egan, "The Controversy over Music and 'Sadness' and Changing Conceptions the Qin in Middle Period China" (JSTOR) expands considerably on the translation of "悲 bei" simply as "sadness". As discussed by Professor Egan at the beginning of his article, "bei" may commonly refer to sadness, but it is

"often used in a way that makes "sad" or "sadness" appear to be an overtranslation. In many instances, we might sense that "plaintive" or "melancholy," or perhaps "poignant," or even just "moving" or "touching" is a more appropriate interpretation of the term.

Egan goes on to ask, Where precisely does a listener's "bei" originate: in the music or in one's own heart?

Furthermore, in this world people can experience things that are so beautiful or awe-inspiring that they bring tears to the eyes. What about religious rapture? Can all these emotions also be described as "bei"? Can music in and of itself bring out, or even cause, these emotions?

More to the point here, what does it say about "bei" when it is used to describe the emotion that Mozi feels simply by realizing a truth: that people are influenced by their environment? This is brought out by translating the title, Mozi Bei Si, as "Mozi is emotionally moved by (comparing human nature to the nature of) silk." But then is there not some irony in expressing this idea and/or emotion through a qin melody of this title, as Mozi was notoriously unsympathetic towards music?

Note that the more common meaning of "bei" as "sadness"; and 11088.71 悲絲 bei si says it means to use >qin strings to make people 悲哀 sad (the example given is 杜甫，促織詩：悲絲與急管，感激異天真。). Sadness also seems to be the more common implication in connection with qin melodies. For example, the bei in the title of the melody Song Yu Bei Qiu seems to reflect more clearly a sense of mourning.

Further insights into this can come by reading Egan's article and looking at the pages on this site that have information, and in some cases music, relevant to Ronald Egan's understanding of "bei" in connection to the qin. This includes the following:

Shi Kuang tells Duke Ping which musical modes are the strongest (saddest? most moving? p. 8; see also this footnote).
Yongmen Zhou plays qin and Lord Mengchang cries (p.9): was this simply Yongmen's skill, or was it something that could only, or best, be done on with a qin
Ruan Ji, in an essay, criticizes those who like their music sad, and speaks of the "bei" sound of birds (p.15).
An essay by Xi Kang, called "Music has no sorrow or joy", explores such topics as the affective power of the musician vs the music itself (p.15).
Xi Kang also argues that stories such as High Mountains and Flowing Streams, where Ziqi imagines everything that Boya is expressing, are nonsensical (p.19).
(Is it ironic that Xi Kang is associated on the one hand with stressing "the importance of cultivating inner peace and serenity" [p.26] and on the other with what may be considered the most violent of all melodies, Guangling San? And Egan's analysis of Xi Kang's actions at the execution ground ("a memorable illustration of Xi Kang's qin playing and the supreme imperturbability associated with it") is quite antithetical to the common interpretation of Guangling San as a violent melody about revenge ("Nie Zheng Stabs the Han King"). [N.B. 廣陵 Guangling is usually considered a place name but Egan on p.29 translates the title as "Melody of the Grand Peace". The individual characters are "廣 guang" meaning "broad"; "陵 ling" meaning "mound"; "散 san" being a type of melody.].)

Egan mentions that classical poets wrote many poems that mention qin. For example there are over 160 by Bai Juyi, 20 by Du Fu, 4 by Han Yu and 8 by Wang Wei. He also has a number of translations, in particular of qin-connected poems, to illustrate his points. Here is a tentative list:

Egan's conclusion is summarized at the end of his article,

Ouyang Xiu's comparison of qin music to the content and sentiment in the Confucian classics is....informed by widespread literati attitudes towards the qin that was by his day fully formed and persisted thereafter. The instrument and its music had been transformed by the elite culture that claimed it and enshrined it. Therefore, it made a certain sense, by Ouyang's time, to describe the traits and sentiments of qin music in terms of the Confucian classics. The qin had been so thoroughly classicized by then that these analogies came to have a degree of plausibility. Naturally, there had never been a problem over the recognition of emotions in the classics. These were, of course, the sanctioned emotions, experienced in proper measure, and were above reproach. Now they could be imputed to qin music as well, without any apology or prevarication.

In other words, qin music could express any emotion as long as it could be described in the proper terms.

For sadness from the silk strings of a 箏 zheng see under Cao Zhi.
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3. 墨子悲絲 Mozi Bei Si
5615.8 says Mozi Bei Si is the same as .7 墨子悲染 Mozi Bei Ran (Mozi gets emotional about dyeing); there is a reference to Chapter 3 of Mozi, 所染 Suo Ran (see also below). The entry .7 墨子泣絲 Mozi Qi Si (Mozi Weeps over Silk) has basically the same story, but refers to 淮南子 Huainanzi (說林順 Chapter 17? Haixiao edition, p. ??) and 風俗通 Feng Su Tong. Another reference, 22397.90 Dang Ran 當染 (On the Proper Kind of Dyeing), says indicates only that this is the title of a chapter in 呂氏春秋 Lüshi Chunqiu, but that chapter has the same story has here; see Knoblock and Riegel, The Annals of Lü Buwei, p. 87. The only mention of the word 悲 bei is in a quote from Yanshi Jia Xun (not in that quote); none of the entries discusses music.
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4. 商調 shang mode
For more on shang mode see Shenpin Shang Yi.
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5. Mozi, "impartial caring"/"universal love" and Matteo Ricci (墨子、兼愛、利瑪竇)
Matteo Ricci and others have tried to make a connection between Mozi's "jian ai", calling it "universal love", and concerpts of love in Christianity. Whether or not there is validity in this comparison, I have found it interesting to explore the connection musically through the program Music from the Time of Matteo Ricci. This begins with:

This exploration is not invalidated by the fact that the more common discussion within traditional Chinese sources interprets "jian ai" not as "universal love" but as "impartial love", comparing it to what is said to be the "heirarchical love" within Confucianism, with the latter prioritizing one party over the other in certain relationships (e.g., ruler-ruled, husband-wife). See, for example,

Sixin Ding (丁四新) and Xiaoxin Wu, Interpretations of Mohism’s "Impartial Love" in the Republic of China: A Comparative Approach to Confucianism and Mohism, Brill, 2021
Youngsun Back, Rethinking Mozi’s Jian’ai: A Deontological Reading Springer link

For an online outline of Mohism see the Mozi page of Chad Hansen.

Mozi's reputed actions supporting his arguments about using jian ai to prevent war have also commonly discussed. Prominent examples can be found in online articles such as this one, written in connection with A Battle of Wits, the English title of a Japanese/Chinese film (Muk Gong in Cantonese; Mo Gong in Mandarin); the film tells a story of putting some of Mozi's principles into action.
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6. Mozi imagining silk
Image from an illustrated Liexian Quanzhuan, an expanded Ming edition of Liexian Zhuan.
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7. Mozi's biographical dates
In sum, although no personal information about Mozi is certain, it seems generally to be accepted that he was active in the mid 5th century BCE. This, however, seems to conflict with the preface to the present melody, which has him active during the time of 梁惠王 King Hui of Liang, also called 魏惠王 King Hui of Wei (r. 370 - 335).

There is further information regarding King Hui of Liang in GSR, VII/23, and also in www.chinaknowledge.de.

For further biographical information on Mozi see above.
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8. Mozi's place of origin
Although Mozi is usually said to have been from 魯 Lu, and his birthplace is sometimes specified as having been 曲阜 Qufu in Lu (hometown of Confucius), today it is most commonly said to have been 滕州 Tengzhou, now in western Shandong but at that time part of the kingdom of 宋 Song, which bordered the state of 魯 Lu to its east. The capital city of Song is said to have been near the modern 商丘 Shangqiu in eastern Henan province, not far from Tengzhou (between these two, and a bit south, is 蕭 Xiao, mentioned in the dialect discussion below?). A third place suggested is further west, in Luyang or Lushan (47030.132 魯陽 Luyang says it was a 郡 district of 魯山縣 Lushan County; on modern maps Lushan can be found west of 平頂山 Pingdingshan, a city south of the 嵩山 Songshan mountain range in central Henan province).

Further regarding the claims for Mozi's place of origin being the "western Lu" (Luyang), it is interesting to explore such arguments, especially when these places have built memorials. This seems to be the case with the argument that the 魯 Lu of Mozi was actually the "western Lu", i.e., 魯陽 Luyang or 魯山 Lushan in Henan province. There are a number of references to Mozi having been a friend of 魯陽文君 Lord Wen of Luyang. It has also been argued that the language of the book attributed to Mozi "proves" he was actually from that area (see, for example, this pdf entitled, 墨子里籍東、西魯說論爭--兼評蕭魯陽「西魯說」引證之方言材料 The Debate over Mozi's Hometown: "Eastern Lu” or "Western Lu" and Xiao Luyang's Use of Dialect as Evidence, by 陳彥君 Chen Yanjun). An online article is 李玉凱：墨子里籍東、西魯論爭－瞥－讀蕭魯陽方言研究力作 Li Yukai: "The debate over Mozi's home town: 'Eastern Lu' or 'Western Lu' - Reading the Masterpiece of Dialect Research by Xiao Luyang" (this assumes "瞥" was a misprint). There was also a recent DVD about Mozi that promotes Luyang as Mozi's home town; it says he grew up near Luyang among ordinary farmers after his father had been punished by the court (墨 Mo is not a normal family name, instead apparently suggesting his family may have been slaves or prisoners). The DVD (again my original source for this is also now no longer online) shows a small temple built there in honor of Mozi (like this? See also this). The program also has elderly residents discussing Mozi's connection to Lushan, but it makes no attempt to determine the age or source of these claims. It suggests that "universal love" was part of his aim of getting people to work together.
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9. Mozi on music
Mozi's 非樂 Condemnation of Music is Books 8 and 9 of the Book of Mozi (CTP). A reference to the qin can be found at the beginning of part 1, as follows,

是故子墨子之所以非樂者，非以大鍾、鳴鼓、琴瑟、竽笙之聲，以為不樂也；非以刻鏤華文章之色，以為不美也；非以犓豢煎炙之味，以為不甘也；非以高臺厚榭邃野之居，以為不安也。雖身知其安也，口知其甘也，目知其美也，耳知其樂也，然上考之不中聖王之事，下度之不中萬民之利。是故子墨子曰：“為樂，非也。”
(W.P. Mei translation) So the reason why Mozi condemns music is not because the sounds of the big bell, the sounding drum, the qin and se, and the yu and sheng are not pleasant, that the carvings and ornaments are not delightful, that the fried and the broiled meats of the grass-fed and the grain-fed animals are not gratifying, or that the high towers, grand arbours, and quiet villas are not comfortable. Although the body knows they are comfortable, the mouth knows they are gratifying, the eyes know they are delightful, and the ears know they are pleasing, yet they are found not to be in accordance with the deeds of the sage-kings of antiquity and not to contribute to the benefits of the people at present. And so Mozi proclaims: To have music is wrong.
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10. Mohism and "love"
The quote is from Burton Matson in DeBary and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Tradition, Volume One, p. 64ff. Compare above.
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11. Huainanzi on Mohism
淮南子，要略 Huainanzi, Yao Lue, 25 (translation Donald Sturgeon) has the following:

"Mozi studied the teachings of Confucianism and learned its methods, but found the rites repetitious and convoluted, believing that elaborate funerals wasted funds and impoverished the people, and that extended mourning of the dead harmed the living and interrupted the business of state. He therefore advocated the abandonment of the Zhou system of governance in favour of that of the Xia."
墨子學儒者之業，受孔子之術，以為其禮煩擾而不說，厚葬靡財而貧民，服傷生而害事，故背周道而行夏政。
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12. Mengzi on Mohism
In 孟子 Mengzi, 縢文公下 Teng Wen Gong, Part 2, #14, Mengzi (Mencius) suggests that the leading philosopies of his day were the universal love of Mozi and the hedonism of Yang Zhu
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14. Source of Mozi Bei Ge
The complexity of the present melody suggests it was not new (further comment), but as of yet I haven't heard of any other early melodies on the theme of Mozi in any genre.
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15. Tracing Mozi Bei Ge and Mozi Bei Si
For further details see the Chart tracing Mozi Bei Ge and Mozi Bei Si below. The chart is based largely on the Zha Guide, 29/228/--. However, because a number of handbooks were found only after Zha had compiled is his Guide, those ones are not indexed there. Likewise, although the "--" in "29/228/--" indicates no lyrics, one handbook (1625) does in fact have them. It also has a preface.

None of the surviving versions has section subtitles.

As can be seen in the chart below, this melody can be found in at least 38 handbooks from 1609 (it is not in the 1589 edition) to 1914. In later handbooks Mozi Bei Si became the more common title, but the 1625 preface does say that this is the same as Mozi Bei Ge.

The 1625 preface also says that this melody resembles that of Song of the Herdsman (牧歌 Mu Ge; could also be translated as Song of the Shepherd). Mozi Bei Ge does seem to have borrowed a number of passages from Mu Ge. There is also some related comment in connection with the 1812 Mu Ge, and then more on the possible relation between the two under Music from the Time of Matteo Ricci, both here and in the appendix.
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16. Silk-string recordings of Mozi Bei Si
Here are four recordings, the first three based on Wuzhizhai Qinpu (1722):

徐元白 Xu Yuanbai (14.00), in The Qin Repertoire of Xu Yuanbai & Huang Xuehui
Guqin Quji, Vol. I, pp. 216 - 224, has a transcription of Xu Yuanbai playing this; indicated timing: 12.15.
吳景略 Wu Jinglue (8.26 [compare above!]), in The Qin Repertoire of Wu Jinglue
This recording has a passage (7.39 to 7.59) not in 1722; it is also not in 1868 (II/#5).
The passage is similar to the comparable place in 1609, but there is no indication of its actual source.
劉少椿 Liu Shaochun (9.47), in The Qin Repertoire of Liu Shaochun (Listen)
Adds the same passage as in the Wu Jinglue version. The program notes accompanying this CD include the following comment:
(This version) "was personally passed on through 孫紹陶 Sun Shaotao (1879 - 1949) of the Guangling Qin School....The chanting style and the rhythmc characteristics contained in the music were unique in expressing the feelings of Mozi....To perform it perfectly (, said) the author of (the Wuzhizhai Qinpu), "I began to practice this piece during my childhood but couldn't fully express its inner meaning through all these years. It wasn't until recent days when I exerted every effort to figure out its secrets that I felt somehow I could perfectly perform it'...."
顧梅羹 Gu Meigeng from 百瓶齋琴譜 Baipingzhai Qinpu (Listen)
This version seems quite similar to the three above.

Although (with the exception of the added short passage mentioned above) the first three recordings all clearly follow Wuzhizhai Qinpu, the interpretations are all quite different, as indicated by the above timings.
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17. Mozi, Chapter 3: On Dyeing (所染 Suo Ran
11999.35 identifies this as a chapter of Mozi (see also above), but first makes reference to 張喬，寄山僧詩 a poem about a monk of Jishan, by Zhang Qiao (9th c.; he also wrote a poem called Listening to a qin).
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18. Structure of version selected as earliest
Finding logical structures is the best aid to memorizing a melody. And although I have often found that the earliest version seems to have the most logical structure, this could well be due to the fact that I spend so much time on the earliest version, looking at later ones mainly to help me understand the earliest one. In any case, the structure of the 1609 Boya Xinfa version recorded here is perhaps best seen by looking at the attached transcription while listening to the recording. Although the piece is in 13 sections, I think it could easily have been 16 by dividing sections 5, 6 and 12 in two. This would emphasize the way the overall melody is built on repeated passages and motifs. (In this way Section 4 could also logically be divided into three parts.)
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19. Lyrics for the Mozi Bei Si published in Taiyin Xisheng (1625; IX/149ff)
The lyrics for the first nine verses are largely quoted directly from Mozi, Book One, Chapter III, 所染 Suo Ran (On Dyeing). W.P. Mei's 1929 translation is online on websites of Simon Fraser University and Donald Sturgeon; see also Johnston, p.14ff. Lyrics for Sections 10 - 12 are Han Yu's commentary called On Reading Mozi, which tries to reconcile Mohist and Confucian philosophies. There is also an online translation by B. W. Van Norden of this latter text (.pdf format; also copied here).

The lyrics as applied to the 12 sections of the 1625 Mozi Bei Ge are as follows:

子墨子言，見染素絲者而歎曰：『染於蒼則蒼，染於黃則黃。所染者變，其色亦變。五入必而已，則為五色矣。
所染不可不慎也。』非獨染絲然也，國亦有染。舜染於許由、伯陽，禹染於皋陶、伯益，湯染於伊尹、仲虺，武王染於太公望、周公旦，此四王者所染當，故王天下，立為天子，功名蔽天地，舉天下之仁義顯人，必稱此四王者，（而能王天下也）。
夏桀染於干辛、推哆；殷紂染於崇侯、惡來;厲王染於厲公長父、榮夷終;幽王染於傅公夷、蔡公穀。此四王者所染不當，故國殘身死，為天下僇，舉天下之不義辱人，必稱此四王者。（致使國殘身死，而為天下之僇也。）
齊桓公染於管仲、鮑叔；晉文公染於咎犯、郤偃；荊莊王染於孫叔敖、沈尹蒸；吳王闔廬染於伍員、文之儀；越王句踐染於范蠡、大夫種。此五君者所染當，故霸諸侯，功名傳於後世，（而霸諸王也）。
范吉射染於張柳朔、王生；中行寅染於黃藉秦、高彊；吳王夫差染於王孫雄、太宰嚭；智伯瑤染於智國、張武；中山尚染於魏義、椻長；宋康王染於唐鞅、田不禋。此六君者所染不當，故國皆殘亡，身為刑戮。
（及）宗廟破滅，絕無後類，君臣離散，民人流亡，舉天下之貪暴可擾者，必稱此六君者。
凡君之所以安者何也？以其行理也，行理性於染當。故善為君者，勞於論人，而佚於治官。不能為君者，傷形費神，愁心勞意，然國愈危，身愈辱。此六君者，非不重其國、愛其身也，以不知要古也。不知要者，所染不當也。
非獨國有染也，士亦有染，其友皆好仁義，淳謹畏令，則家日益，身日安，名日榮，處官得其理矣。則端干木、禽子、傅說之徒是也。
其友皆好矜奮，創作比周，則家日損，身日危，名日辱，處官失其理矣，則子西易牙豎刁之徒是也。詩曰﹕「必擇所堪。」必謹所堪者，此之謂也。
儒譏墨以「上同」、「兼愛」、「（上）賢」、「明鬼」，而孔子「畏大人」，居是邦不非其大(人)。《春秋》譏專臣，不「上同」哉？
孔子「汎愛」、「親仁」，以「博施」、「濟眾」為聖；不「兼愛」哉？孔子「賢賢」，以四科進褒弟子，疾「沒世而名不稱」，不「上賢」哉？孔子「祭如在」，譏祭如不祭者，曰﹕“我祭則受福”；不「明鬼」哉？儒、墨同是堯、舜同，非桀、紂同。修身、齊家以治天下、國家。奚不相悅如是哉？
余以為辨生於末學，各售其師之說；非二師之道本然也。孔子必用墨子。墨子必用孔子。不相用不足為孔墨。

Zha Fuxi apparently had no access to the 1625 handbook and so it did not index it or include its lyrics.
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20. Pairing the lyrics
The lyrics are paired by a version of the formula always used for pre-modern qin songs, with one character for each right hand stroke. This does not allow for much flexibility in adapting a pre-existing melody to text. See more on this under qin songs.
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21. Original preface
The commentary here in 1609 alludes to the chapter of Mozi but does not quote it directly. The original Chinese (see QQJC VII/175) is as follows:

按斯曲，乃梁惠王時人墨翟所作也。子出行，見素絲，乃悲曰，「人湛然同于聖體」，為習俗所移，如油集麵。蓋猶絲體本潔也，而染焉，則（成）或黃或黑，本同末異。故堯染許由成聖君，紂染崇侯為闇王，則染之不可不慎也。審音君子能因樂而繹其旨，以墨子之悲自悲，則思所以置身于清白者，自不能已矣。寧獨聽其節奏云乎哉？

At least 14 of the other 32 versions have commentary.

The second existing handbook with a preface to this piece is the third handbook, dated 1623; the same details are basically recounted again in several of the later handbooks, including 1722, 1751 and 1868. The 1623 preface is as follows,

按斯曲，乃墨翟所作。梁惠王時人也。出見素絲，質本潔而染為黃，爲黑，故悲之。人爲習俗所移，然也。堯染許由成聖君，紂染崇侯為暗主，則染之不可不慎也。今以墨子之悲，當思所以置於清白者，寧獨聽其節奏云乎哉。

The 1625 preface instead goes into the background of its version, saying it was 增 augmented by Li Shuinan of Hangzhou. The full 1625 preface is as follows (not in Guide; see QQJC IX/153),

太希曰：「墨子悲絲」即「墨子悲歌」，與「牧歌」音律相似，乃杭隱士水南李君增，其音韻改而削之。嘉靖戊辰(1568)遊于吳中，奏之而同調諸君咸稱奇絕奈何無文也。椘興國川樓吳先生遂作文辭以補之律應文合以全其美不佞不敢蔽其善而著之於譜未必無補於後之學者云。

The 1722 afterword (QQJC XIV/437; omitted from Zha Guide) also goes into musical details,

《墨子》之奇，其節奏出乎意外，乃浙與中州之派也。然熟派亦尊之久矣。撫弦者當知曲中之抑揚起伏，實有敲金戛玉之聲，枕石漱流之致。而一種淒然感慨，潔己自愛之懷，隱隱吐出，傳之指下，誠為曠世之奇調。但必用熟派作主加以金陵之頓挫，蜀之險音，吳之含蓄，中浙之綢繆，則盡得其旨而眾妙歸焉矣。餘從髫年習之，亦未盡其秘奧，今參考揣摩，嘔盡心血，方為全美，以俟後之君子，庶幾有可採擇耳。

No translation.
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22. Note on punctuation
I have found no punctuated version of this preface, so it is not completely clear to me where this quote ends. Here I interpret the quote as one phrase only, "人湛然同於聖體。" I have found this phrase online in some Buddhist websites, where Mozi is quoted as saying, "人湛然同於聖體，為居惡俗。" (i.e., the second phrase is "為居惡俗" instead of "為習俗所移。" See, e.g., CBETA and Buddhist Canon.) I haven't been able to work out their source, either. "湛 zhan" is said here to have the same meaning as the "堪 kan" in the poem at the end of the Mozi quote (identified as from the Shi Jing, but it is not in the surviving volume; see lyrics, Section 8), and to mean something like "tinged". As for 聖體 shengti, see 8/677: 舊稱皇帝身體，亦借指皇帝 i.e., the emperor (also, "eucharist"!).
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23. This is a particularly interesting comment, considering Mozi's supposed condemnation of music in general.
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24. Melody
As discussed above, only the version published in 1625 has lyrics. For the tablature itself, see also Some notes on the tablature
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25. "Revised by qin friend Gao Longbo of Jianye'
See pdf: "建業琴友高(龍)伯校" is written in the lower part of the sixth column from the left. Jianye is an old name for Jiankang, now a southern suburb of Nanjing, where the actual handbook itself was published.

Gao Longbo 高(龍)伯
The pronunciation "Long" in Gao Longbo is a guess: the character is not in my dictionaries. In both editions it is written like 龍 long (dragon), but with the left side replaced by 帝 di (emperor). 59812.178 龍伯 longbo says "古大人國之人 a person from an ancient country of giants" (Graham, Liezi, p.97: kingdom of the Dragon Earl). I have also not found the name Gao Longbo in my encyclopaedias. I assume "revised" here means changing existing tablature so that it conforms with the way the music is actually being played. This handbook has several melodies as "revised" by various people (no person more than once: see ToC). Elsewhere some melodies say they have been "tablatured" (譜 pu) by such and such a person. Perhaps this means writing down how someone played the melody.
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Return to the top

Appendix:
Chart Tracing 墨子悲絲 Mozi Bei Ge and 墨子悲歌 Mozi Bei Si
Based mainly on Zha Fuxi's Guide, 29/228/--; further comment above
Guide gives "悲絲 Bei Si" as another alternate title but has no examples

琴譜
(year; QQJC Vol/page) Further information
(QQJC = 琴曲集成 Qinqu Jicheng; QF = 琴府 Qin Fu)

01. 真傳正宗琴譜
(1609; VII/183)
13 sections; shang mode; "Mozi Bei Ge"; not in 1589; discussed in detail above
#5 in the 1609Boya Xinfa (#39 overall); see also #4 in the outline to the QQJC edition
Its structure suggests it could have been divided into 16 sections

02. 陽春堂琴經
(1609; VII/418) 10 sections; shangjue mode? (follows Shangjue Yi); "Mozi Bei Ge"

03. 樂仙琴譜
(1623; VIII/378) 14; shang mode; "Mozi Bei Si"
Preface

04. 太音希聲
(1625; IX/153) 12; shang mode; not indexed; "Mozi Bei Si"
Only version with lyrics; preface connects it to Li Shuinan and says it "resembles Mu Ge"

05. 古音正宗
(1634; IX/310) 11; shang sound (商音); "Mozi Bei Ge"
Preface: "....徐門正音.... Correct sound of Xu school"

06. 徽言秘旨
(1647; X/88) 13; shang sound; "Mozi"
This version is most comparable to 1609; repeated in next (1692):

07. 徽言秘旨訂
(1692; Facsimile) A copy of 1647

08. 愧菴琴譜
(1660; XI/21) 14 + coda; Shang sound; "Mozi Bei Ge"

09. 臣奔堂琴譜
(1663/5; XI/127) 11; shang mode; "Mozi Bei Ge"
Not indexed

10. 德音堂琴譜
(1691; XII/514) 18; shang sound; "Mozi"

11. 蓼懷堂琴譜
(1702; XIII/222) 14; shang sound; "Mozi Bei Si"

12. 誠一堂琴譜
(1705; XIII/350) 18; shang sound; "Mozi Bei Si"
Afterword ("胡遠山曰：高中鏗鏘，幽中淒婉，此墨子為商音之楷模也....")

13. 五知齋琴譜
(1722; XIV/445) 13; shang mode; "Mozi Bei Si"
Preface similar to 1523; afterword; most modern interpretations say they are based on this tablature

14. 存古堂琴譜
(1726; XV/242) 13; shang sound

15. 光裕堂琴譜
(~1726; XV/320) 13; shang sound; not indexed

16. 琴書千古
(1738; XV/398) 14; shang sound

17. 琴學練要
(1739; XVIII/173) 11; zhi sound
(治心齋琴譜)

18. 琴劍合譜
(1749; XVIII/312) 13; shang sound; ends in zhi mode?

19. 穎陽琴譜
(1751; XVI/86) 13; shang sound; has preface

20. 蘭田館琴譜
(1755; XVI/207) 14; shang sound

21. 琴香堂琴譜
(1760; XVII/41) 14; shang sound

22. 研露樓琴譜
(1766; XVI/451) 13; shang sound

23. 自遠堂琴譜
(1802; XVII/334) 13; zhi sound

24. 裛露軒琴譜
(≥1802; XIX/208) 13; shang sound;

25. 響雪山房琴譜
(n.d.; XIX/379) 13; shang sound; not indexed

26. 二香琴譜
(1833; XXIII/149) 13; gong sound

27. 悟雪山房琴譜
(1836; XXII/243) 14; Huangzhong jun; gong yin

28. 張鞠田琴譜
(1844; XXIII/272) 14; 角調宮音 jue mode gong sound; "Mozi"
Still related

29. 梅花仙館琴譜
(n.d.; XXII/24) 13; jue (?) mode; not indexed

30. 蕉庵琴譜
(1868; XXVI/38) 14; zhi mode; preface

31. 天聞閣琴譜
(1876; XXV/259) "From 1702"

32. 響雪齋琴譜
(1876; ???) Originally part of Xiangxue Shanfang Qinpu? 1807?

33. 綠綺清韻
(1884; XXVII/409) 14; zhi sound; Afterword

34. 枯木禪琴譜
(1893; XXVIII/58) 14; shang sound

35. 琴學初津
(1894; XXVIII/321 14; 黃林調宮音 huanglin mode; gong sound

36. 琴學摘要
(~1920?; XXIX/168) 14; Huangzhong Diao, Zhi Yin
Not indexed

37. 雅齋琴譜叢集
(n.d.; ???) Two tablatures, but not indexed and not in Qinqu Jicheng

38. 詩夢齋琴譜
(1914) Not indexed and not in Qinqu Jicheng

Return to the top, to Zhenchuan Zhengzong Qinpu intro, to the annotated handbook list or to the Guqin ToC.

琴譜 (year; QQJC Vol/page)	Further information (QQJC = 琴曲集成 Qinqu Jicheng; QF = 琴府 Qin Fu)
01. 真傳正宗琴譜 (1609; VII/183)	13 sections; shang mode; "Mozi Bei Ge"; not in 1589; discussed in detail above #5 in the 1609Boya Xinfa (#39 overall); see also #4 in the outline to the QQJC edition Its structure suggests it could have been divided into 16 sections
02. 陽春堂琴經 (1609; VII/418)	10 sections; shangjue mode? (follows Shangjue Yi); "Mozi Bei Ge"
03. 樂仙琴譜 (1623; VIII/378)	14; shang mode; "Mozi Bei Si" Preface
04. 太音希聲 (1625; IX/153)	12; shang mode; not indexed; "Mozi Bei Si" Only version with lyrics; preface connects it to Li Shuinan and says it "resembles Mu Ge"
05. 古音正宗 (1634; IX/310)	11; shang sound (商音); "Mozi Bei Ge" Preface: "....徐門正音.... Correct sound of Xu school"
06. 徽言秘旨 (1647; X/88)	13; shang sound; "Mozi" This version is most comparable to 1609; repeated in next (1692):
07. 徽言秘旨訂 (1692; Facsimile)	A copy of 1647
08. 愧菴琴譜 (1660; XI/21)	14 + coda; Shang sound; "Mozi Bei Ge"
09. 臣奔堂琴譜 (1663/5; XI/127)	11; shang mode; "Mozi Bei Ge" Not indexed
10. 德音堂琴譜 (1691; XII/514)	18; shang sound; "Mozi"
11. 蓼懷堂琴譜 (1702; XIII/222)	14; shang sound; "Mozi Bei Si"
12. 誠一堂琴譜 (1705; XIII/350)	18; shang sound; "Mozi Bei Si" Afterword ("胡遠山曰：高中鏗鏘，幽中淒婉，此墨子為商音之楷模也....")
13. 五知齋琴譜 (1722; XIV/445)	13; shang mode; "Mozi Bei Si" Preface similar to 1523; afterword; most modern interpretations say they are based on this tablature
14. 存古堂琴譜 (1726; XV/242)	13; shang sound
15. 光裕堂琴譜 (~1726; XV/320)	13; shang sound; not indexed
16. 琴書千古 (1738; XV/398)	14; shang sound
17. 琴學練要 (1739; XVIII/173)	11; zhi sound (治心齋琴譜)
18. 琴劍合譜 (1749; XVIII/312)	13; shang sound; ends in zhi mode?
19. 穎陽琴譜 (1751; XVI/86)	13; shang sound; has preface
20. 蘭田館琴譜 (1755; XVI/207)	14; shang sound
21. 琴香堂琴譜 (1760; XVII/41)	14; shang sound
22. 研露樓琴譜 (1766; XVI/451)	13; shang sound
23. 自遠堂琴譜 (1802; XVII/334)	13; zhi sound
24. 裛露軒琴譜 (≥1802; XIX/208)	13; shang sound;
25. 響雪山房琴譜 (n.d.; XIX/379)	13; shang sound; not indexed
26. 二香琴譜 (1833; XXIII/149)	13; gong sound
27. 悟雪山房琴譜 (1836; XXII/243)	14; Huangzhong jun; gong yin
28. 張鞠田琴譜 (1844; XXIII/272)	14; 角調宮音 jue mode gong sound; "Mozi" Still related
29. 梅花仙館琴譜 (n.d.; XXII/24)	13; jue (?) mode; not indexed
30. 蕉庵琴譜 (1868; XXVI/38)	14; zhi mode; preface
31. 天聞閣琴譜 (1876; XXV/259)	"From 1702"
32. 響雪齋琴譜 (1876; ???)	Originally part of Xiangxue Shanfang Qinpu? 1807?
33. 綠綺清韻 (1884; XXVII/409)	14; zhi sound; Afterword
34. 枯木禪琴譜 (1893; XXVIII/58)	14; shang sound
35. 琴學初津 (1894; XXVIII/321	14; 黃林調宮音 huanglin mode; gong sound
36. 琴學摘要 (~1920?; XXIX/168)	14; Huangzhong Diao, Zhi Yin Not indexed
37. 雅齋琴譜叢集 (n.d.; ???)	Two tablatures, but not indexed and not in Qinqu Jicheng
38. 詩夢齋琴譜 (1914)	Not indexed and not in Qinqu Jicheng